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post “Mustafa” on Screen

September 17th, 2008

Filed under: Culture and Art — by Derya Tavozar @ 7:12 pm

The first documentary covering Atatürk’s life from his early years in Salonika to his final years in Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul will be on screen on Oct. 29. The documentary, written and directed by journalist Can Dündar, the maker of the renowned documentary ‘Sarı Zeybek’

ISTANBUL - Turkish Daily News
A documentary on the life of Atatürk, the first to follow the entire life of the founder of the Turkish Republic, is coming to the silver screen at the end of this month.

The documentary, called Mustafa, was written and directed by Can Dündar, journalist and documentary director. Atatürk has never been properly introduced to the Turkish public, to the world and to younger generations, even though 70 years have passed since his death in 1938, said the press release on the film, arguing the documentaries produced thus far have focused only on certain periods and appealed only to a domestic audience.

This is the first documentary covering Atatürk’s life from his early years in Thessalonica to his final years in Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul and representing all military, political and personal aspects of his personality, said the press release.

The documentary was produced by the maker of the renowned documentary Sarı Zeybek and a number of others over the last 15 years on Atatürk’s life. The documentary team was given special permission to open many national and international archives, including those at the President’s Office and the General Staff.

During shooting several previously unseen photos, memoirs, special letters and manuscripts of Atatürk were used. The production team traveled from Thessalonica to Manastır, Damascus to Berlin, Sofia to Karlsbad any places that Atatürk lived. Some scenes were even shot in the room where he was born and the one where he died. A detailed literature review was made of books written about Atatürk, national and international newspapers and diplomatic letters.

The documentary tells Atatürk’s life from an objective point of view and tries to give a sympathetic account of a real-life story. His personal belongings, memoirs, headquarters where he worked, houses where he lived, documents that he left, songs he liked and remarks he uttered were all used in the documentary, the release said.

Internationally known Balkan-origin musician Goran Bregovic composed the soundtrack for the film.

The film will begin showing Sept. 29.

post Armenia: Obscure issue could challenge a President Obama

September 15th, 2008

Filed under: 2008 U.S. Presidential Elections, Foreign Affairs — by Yurter Ozcan @ 11:25 pm

Armenia: Obscure issue could challenge a President Obama

Michael Doyle | McClatchy Newspapers

WASHINGTON — The two major presidential candidates differ sharply over an Armenian genocide commemoration, with Republican John McCain opposing it and Democrat Barack Obama supporting it.

The policy clash could make a political difference in California’s San Joaquin Valley and other regions with sizable Armenian-American populations. McCain may have more to lose, in the short term. But in the long run, Obama may have more to prove.

“Support for the genocide resolution is important in the presidential race and can have a significant impact,” said Barlow Der Mugrdechian, coordinator of the Armenian Studies Program at California State University, Fresno.

The potential short-term political cost is readily apparent. Estimates of the number of Armenian-Americans range from 385,000, in the 2000 Census, to more than 1 million. Many track the genocide issue closely.

By contrast, only 117,000 U.S. residents nationwide claimed Turkish ancestry. In comparing grassroots political strength, the Armenian-American community wins hands down.

“There are many Armenians in states such as Michigan and Florida,” Der Mugrdechian noted. “Since the race is expected to be close in these states, and many others, the Armenian vote could prove to be the difference.”

The long-term challenge is different. If Obama is elected, he would face tremendous pressure from the State Department, the Pentagon, other countries — and maybe even his own advisers — to back away from emphatic Armenian genocide language. That is what other presidents have done.

In 1988, for instance, a campaigning George H.W. Bush declared the United States should “acknowledge the attempted genocide of the Armenian people.” As president, Bush instead stressed “the differing views of how the terrible events of 1915-23 should be characterized.”

Bush’s son, while campaigning in 2000, similarly referred to a “genocidal campaign” against the Armenians. Once elected, he avoided the genocide term, and his State Department withdrew a U.S. ambassador who dared use it.

“I think the Armenian community is very leery of any candidate who says he will support a genocide resolution, because those promises haven’t necessarily been kept,” said Rep. George Radanovich, R-Mariposa. “When push comes to shove, the State Department gets in there and has its way.”

Genocide is what Armenian-Americans and many scholars say happened in the dying years of the Ottoman Empire, between 1915 and 1923. By this account, the slaughter and violent exile of more than 1 million Armenians met the legal definition of genocide and should be commemorated as such.

Genocide means the systematic and intentional destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious or national group.

“There was a genocide that did take place against the Armenian people,” Obama said while campaigning earlier this year.

He hasn’t been very active on the issue in his four years in the Senate, despite serving on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Obama has not co-sponsored the Senate’s Armenian genocide resolutions, and he did not attend confirmation hearings for President Bush’s nominees to serve as U.S. ambassador to Armenia.

Obama’s rhetorical support now for recognizing the genocide nonetheless helped secure the endorsement in January of the Armenian National Committee of America. It’s a view long held publicly by Obama’s vice presidential candidate, Sen. Joseph Biden, the Delaware Democrat who chairs the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. It’s also a position being deployed on the campaign trail.

Samantha Power, a Pulitzer Prize-winning author and Harvard scholar who has advised Obama on foreign policy, posted on YouTube a campaign-style video explicitly addressed to the Armenian-American community. Power declared that a President Obama would “call a spade a spade” and publicly acknowledge the genocide.

McCain’s position is the polar opposite, as he cites the diplomatic and strategic risks associated with alienating Turkey.

“I was disappointed that many in Congress were ready to legislate a historical judgment of the Armenian genocide whatever the cost to our relations with Turkey,” McCain declared in Iowa last October. “Turkey is essential to stabilizing Iraq, containing Iranian power, and encouraging economic and political reform in the Arab world. We should be strengthening our partnership, not erecting new barriers to it.”

One form of recognition would be in the form of a congressional resolution. Earlier this year, though, a resolution collapsed in the House after appearing to come close. Radanovich said he does not “see that coming back anytime soon.”

The alternative path is a presidential proclamation. Each April, presidents present a public statement about what happened between 1915 and 1923. The question thus becomes: Will the statement include the word genocide?

Power, a strong proponent of Armenian-American issues, no longer has a formal role advising Obama. One top adviser, Anthony Lake, was national security adviser to President Bill Clinton during the period that Clinton avoided the genocide word in his annual proclamations. Another top Obama adviser, Susan Rice, was Clinton’s assistant secretary of state when Clinton blocked a genocide resolution authored by Radanovich.

post Today s Zaman Column

September 7th, 2008

Filed under: Turkish Domestic Politics — by Evren Tok @ 11:45 pm

Social democracy and Turkish Left: A New Possibility?

 Evren Tok

Karl Polanyi (1886-1964) is a well-known economic historian and anthropologist of Hungarian origin, the author of the “Great Transformation”, and also one of the key figures who have had significant influence on the evolution of European social democracy. Polanyi’s contribution to the European tradition of social democracy mostly stems from his nuanced understanding of “freedom in a complex society”. Karl Polanyi’s understanding refers to accepting the reality of society to remove injustice and unfreedom. The task according to Polanyi is to create more abundant freedom for all, without fear. This is the meaning of freedom in a complex society in his perspective; it provides certainty that the society needs (Great Transformation, p. 268). I believe that Polanyi’s perspective could provoke new debates and motivations for the Turkish left in order to be more self-reflexive especially in relation to the possibility of social democracy in Turkey. In other words, Polanyi’s vision and the meaning he attached to freedom in a complex society could guide the Turkish left in many ways. The failure of the left could be approached in respects, first by contextualizing the ascendance of social democracy in Europe, and Turkish left’s inability to utilize from it; and secondly by pointing out the highly fragmented nature of the left, which prevents them to reach the public as well as connecting with the global left.

The road to today’s impasse for the Turkish Left 

The ascendance of Third Way social democratic parties in Europe, such as New Labor under the Blair government, Zapatero’s Socialist Party in Spain and Social Democrat Party under Schröder in Germany all pointed out that social democrats could achieve electoral success through strategies such as balancing out the market forces with societal priorities, privileging both recognition and redistribution, and also being extremely sensitive to issues such poverty, inequality and social justice. Since 1980, but more intensively during the course of 1990s, the emergence of new societal actors with new societal demands have been played out in Turkey, which in turn opened the floor for further democratization efforts and voiced claims for recognition and participation. In Turkey, however, the left has been quite passive and disoriented in terms of capitalizing on the domestic dynamics, which had very prominent counterparts abroad. It is also quite controversial that this societal reshuffling took place in a context in which the leftist oriented political parties especially the CHP, have been totally detached from societal reflexes. In this conjuncture, the AKP starting from the 2002 elections, emerged as a party offering a social democratic alternative as opposed to the CHP, which remained, and can even be said to have become more nationalist/state centric. This debate was caricatured as Turkey’s late, or in other words, “delayed” encounter with the global Third Way politics.

The recent discussions within leftist circles successfully denounced the deeply fragmented nature of the left in Turkey. In a way, these discussions were portraying the historical opportunity that has been ruined at the beginning of the new millennium. Today, one of the central debates is centered around the leftist stance and positioning towards the Ergenekon case. The number of labels circulating within the left oriented press is numerous running the spectrum from positivist vs. non-positivist leftists, Kemalist vs. non-Kemalist leftists, and liberal leftists vs. non-liberal leftists, etc. Perhaps, these discussions gained momentum especially after Sungur Savran’s proposal to bring Marxist analysis to the table.

On the one hand, these discussions were necessary in order for the left to be more self-reflexive and recognize the historicity of the way in which different fragments within the left have come into existence. The internal squaring ups within the left especially with respect to the debates on Ergenekon made it clear that the current leftist critique in Turkey equates “getting more civilian” to democratization. In a way the former is a necessary condition, but not a sufficient one for the consolidation of democracy. Furthermore, the same sets of discussions were mute regarding the issue of Third Way social democracy and its importance in Turkey. The introverted and futile discussions within the Turkish left prevented them from finding institutional correspondence in the Western Left.

Turkish left and the meaning of freedom

The post 2002 period has shown that unlike European style social democratic parties, which have put emphasis on restructuring/redesigning welfare states, balancing out recognition and redistribution and aiming for freedom in a complex society, Turkish social democrats have not been successful in getting such debates even onto the agenda. Now, it is the task of the Turkish left to establish a road map to move out of the impasse. Turkey’s delayed encounter with Third Way social democracy could be better instituted if the Turkish left helps build a road map that would accelerate the pace of democracy, promote participatory democracy, and redraw the boundaries between the state and the civil society. Indeed, providing effective and democratic regulation of the market and more emphasis on issues such as social justice, inequality and poverty should be priority.

The Turkish left has more responsibility than ever to prescribe a social democratic alternative that recognizes the multiplicity of societal actors, state and non-state institutions, diverging interests and global ideas that reign over Turkish democracy. From Polanyi’s perspective, the apathy of the left toward the society and societal privileges is a big obstacle to reach freedom in a complex society. Hence, being extraverted and connecting with the public, societal concerns as well as the global left, and providing more certainty than ambiguity are essential for the Turkish left to look for the true significance of freedom in a complex society.

Evren Tok: Ph.D Candidate, Carleton University, School of Public Policy and Administration

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